A: We believed that the communication of no preference is a very common experience that has a real impact on many consumption and relationship outcomes but felt that there was a lack of understanding about this phenomenon in the literature. If you think about it, joint decision making for mundane, daily decisions should be easy to navigate (considering the low stakes), but all of us felt that it is often not as easy as we may think.
Q: Prior research has typically focused on resolving discrepancies in substantial joint decision making (e.g., deciding to buy a house or a car). What inspired you to study joint decision making in a low-commitment context and, in particular, the effects of unstated preferences?
Q: Assuming participants came (mostly) from the U.S., an individualistic country, do you expect similar results in more collectivistic countries such as China that have different social norms with respect to stating individual preferences?
A: This is a really interesting question because collectivism could impact both parties. As a collectivistic co-consumer, one might feel even more compelled to communicate no preference (rather than explicitly communicate their preference), because they prioritize the relationship and there are norms for deferring to others. For the collectivistic decision maker, the negative effects on decision making might even be amplified, as they might try harder (than individualistic decision makers) to gauge and accommodate the co-consumer’s undisclosed preferences. Relatedly, in one study, we had found that the effects were stronger for decision makers with weaker (vs. stronger) individual preferences. That being said, when decision-makers are exposed to no-preference communication more frequently, it’s also possible that they would be more likely to attribute this expression to social norms, rather than the co-consumer’s unwillingness to share their dissimilar preferences. This is definitely an interesting avenue for future research and it would be neat to see if and how the effects change.
Aline Lanzrath is a postdoctoral student in marketing,
University of Mannheim, Germany.
At the same time, we found the null results of the closeness study insightful since it suggests strong consumers’ beliefs that others actually do have preferences even for relatively low-involvement, everyday decisions. One reason for this might be that such mundane, daily decisions are still context-specific, and preferences might shift across different situations. For example, should one go for a coffee or a bubble tea with their romantic partner? Of course, one may know that their partner has a general preference for coffee or that they truly had no preference last time, but the romantic partner’s preference in that moment may be shaped by their overall level of hunger, tiredness, or mood. Thus, people end up believing that their co-consumer must have a preference in that specific context, which is unknown to the decision maker.
Q: Suppose I actually have no preference in a particular situation. What would you advise me to do to communicate with my partner so that he or she does not have major decision-making difficulties and is less satisfied with the consumer choice and our relationship?
A: Thinking about how our findings can be applied to a conversation where decision makers and co-consumers can go back and forth to get more information about their undisclosed preferences is an interesting question. It’s worth noting that sometimes it is difficult for people to continue probing, despite the uncertainty of what the other party prefers. Indeed, the decision maker may feel even more uncomfortable asking follow-up questions to a no-preference communication when the co-consumers are less close to them (such as a coworker or an acquaintance).
“I don’t have a preference. It’s your call!”
The insights from this article have several implications for both social and business settings. We talked to the authors of this research to learn more about the background of the study, the generalizability of its findings, and the recommendations we can derive both for our personal lives as consumers and for shaping consumer decisions as marketers.
Q: What would you recommend to a restaurant manager who is developing a new marketing campaign? Would an app help or complicate further shared decisions? Do you expect to observe any differences between products versus services?
A recent Journal of Marketing Research article by Nicole You Jeung Kim, Yonat Zwebner, Alixandra Barasch, and Rom Y. Schrift explored how communication of “no preference” impacts joint decision making and the associated consumption experience. Results from six studies, using hypothetical and real-life joint decisions, reveal that no-preference communication increases—rather than decreases—the complications often encountered by decision makers. Moreover, researchers find that such no-preference communication can even cause a reduction in the affinity a decision maker feels for the co-consumer (i.e., the person communicating having no preferences). These effects are driven by the decision maker’s perception that the co-consumer does indeed have a preference but does not disclose it. Due to the further inferential assumption that the co-consumer’s (undisclosed) preferences may not match their own, the decision maker chooses an option they prefer less, ultimately reducing their enjoyment in the consumption setting. Interestingly, these negative effects are not expected from the party who communicates not having a preference.
A: If you find yourself in a situation where you really have no preference and would like to communicate that in a way that reduces the negative impact on the decision maker, we would advise consumers to remember that the other party wants to choose an option that will make you happy. This means that even if you feel truly indifferent about the type of food to eat at a restaurant or the genre of movie that you watch together, the other party will still strive to make a choice that you could also derive utility from. So, even if you have no specific preference in the given set of options, providing some general context about your preferences, such as what type of food you generally enjoy or what genre of movie you watch often, can help the decision maker. Alternatively, “vetoing” some options can be a nice way to demonstrate to the decision maker that you are disclosing at least some preference, allowing the decision maker to choose from a narrowed set.
Florian Holz is a doctoral student in marketing,
University of Mannheim, Germany.